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A SCRUTINY OF AKCAM?S VERSION OF HISTORY
Ergun KIRLIKOVALI ergun@turkla.com

Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs Vol. 28, No. 2, August 2008
ISSN 1360-2004 print/ISSN 1469-9591 online/08/020303-17#2008
Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs
DOI: 10.1080/13602000802303235

A SCRUTINY OF AKCAM´┐ŻS VERSION OF HISTORY

REVIEW ESSAY: A SCRUTINY OF AKCAM´┐ŻS VERSION OF HISTORY AND THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE By ERMAN SAHIN

Book reviewed - A SHAMEFUL ACT: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility, TANER AKCAM, translated from Turkish by PAUL BESSEMER, 2006, New York: Metropolitan Books x ´┐Ż 376 pp., notes to p. 464, index to p. 483, $30.00 (hardcover), ISBN: 0-8050-7932-7

ABSTRACT

The tragic fate of the Ottoman Armenians during World War I, the massacres that accompanied their forced migration, and the role of the Committee of Union and Progress´┐Żthe ruling faction in the Ottoman government during World War I´┐Ż constitute one of the murkiest chapters in the modern history of the Middle East. This article argues that those who have dealt with this complex subject have not always respected the limits set by scholarly ethics and have failed to use their sources scrupulously while engaging in distortions deliberate quoting out of context and doctoring of data. At this point Taner Akcam´┐Żs book, translated and distributed by the Zoryan Institute, deserves particular attention, and therefore it is essential to examine this work with a closer scrutiny by checking and comparing the original sources utilized by the author. The article will illustrate this point by a case study presenting the discrepancies between the texts preserved in the original sources and those presented by the author in his work.

INTRODUCTION

This book, dealing with the Armenian Question, is a substantially revised English version of the author´┐Żs earlier book, Insan Haklar─▒ ve Ermeni Sorunu,1 published in 1999. The book is welcomed by many authors including Erik Jan Zu rcher who, on its back cover, wrote that Taner Akcam´┐Żs study is the ´┐Żstate of the art in this field´┐Ż. Elsewhere Stephen Feinstein described it as the ´┐Żbest book ever written on Armenian Genocide´┐Ż. Akcam, a sociologist often credited as the first Turkish scholar to acknowledge the ´┐ŻArmenian Genocide´┐Ż, contends that there is no doubt that the ´┐Żscale of the operations would have been impossible without planning at the political center´┐Ż (p. 7). The readers would have welcomed a bibliography (a surprising omission in a heavily referenced work), tables and perhaps more than one map. However, despite revisions the trail of errors and inconsistencies still mar the book. Moreover the influence of Vahakn N. Dadrian´┐Żs earlier findings and arguments is also visible throughout Akcam´┐Żs study. The book tells us little that is new, and suffers from inadequate understanding and use of sources.

The book is divided into three parts:

part one discusses the Ottoman state and its non-Muslim subjects and covers the era of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) and discusses Turkish nationalism;

part two deals with the events leading to the decision for executing genocide and its aftermath;

part three is devoted to investigation and prosecution of the crimes committed during the catastrophic events of 1915´┐Ż1916.

Unfortunately the book lacks a comprehensive conclusion and suffers from poor organization and repetition.

PRESENTING THE COURSE OF EVENTS

In discussing the massacres of the 1890s the author does not mention the provocations carried out by the Armenian revolutionary groups that were also an important factor in bringing about Muslim attacks on the Armenians. In the second chapter the author quotes a single instance of this kind for a different occasion (p. 63). His argument, however, is not a synthesis of the evidence presented. Instead of discussing how such incidents shaped the course of events the author prefers to limit himself to pointing out how the Turkish historiography makes use of them.

Akcam suggests that the Ottoman Special Organization (Teskilat-─▒ Mahsusa) (OSO) has been instrumental ´┐Żin implementing the Armenian genocide´┐Ż (p. 59); however, the documentary evidence does not support his claims.2

Moreover, in discussing the structure and the assignments of the OSO, Akcam incorrectly attributes a statement to Cemal Kutay (pp. 96´┐Ż97) that was in fact made by Esref Kuscubasi.3

In his discussion of the impact of the Muslim refugees the author offers a simplistic and inaccurate assessment of the situation; for instance, we read that ´┐Ż. . . between 1878´┐Ż1904 some 850,000 refugees were settled in predominantly Armenian areas alone´┐Ż (p. 87). In fact, the research based on primary documents establishes that the great bulk of these refugees were settled in the ´┐Żprovinces other than Eastern Anatolia´┐Ż.4

In addition, such western provinces as Ayd─▒n, Hudavendigar (Bursa) and Edirne (Adrianople) where the refugees were settled in significant numbers can hardly be described as being predominantly Armenian.

The author´┐Żs discussion of the Ottomans´┐Ż war aims and their entry into the war are also problematic for these are presented in too oversimplified a framework to be accepted without an immense amount of equivocation. He maintains that the ´┐ŻUnionists devoted a great deal of effort toward entering the war´┐Ż (p. 112). In fact, the Unionists devoted their efforts towards securing an alliance with Germany, not entering the war. By means of the alliance, they hoped to put an end to the Empire´┐Żs political isolation while at the same trying to postpone the entry into the war as much as possible before they finally succumbed to German pressure for armed action. As Mustafa Aksakal, the author of a scholarly study on the Ottoman entry into the war noted, ´┐ŻThe Ottoman leaders hoped either to stay outside the war entirely or to enter it only in its final stages but they were equally concerned to preserve the alliance they had formed with Germany´┐Ż.5

Akcam also asserts that by entering the war Unionists sought to pursue their ´┐ŻPan-Turanist and Pan-Islamist objectives´┐Ż, and would also seek an opportunity to ´┐Żregain lost territories especially in the Balkans and seek revenge in the Christian communities´┐Ż (p. 112). He also lays considerable stress on the feelings of revenge, and concludes that ´┐Żit was this kind of feeling that was used to justify the killing of Armenians´┐Ż (p. 117).

RECONCILING FACTS WITH ASSUMPTIONS

One wonders how an administration, which not only reconciled and established an alliance with Bulgaria but even made territorial concessions to bring it into the war on its own side or which conducted negotiations with Greece to form a Balkan alliance,6 was able to dream about seeking revenge in the Christian communities or regaining the lost territories in the Balkans.

While there is no doubt that the disastrous results of the Balkan wars had left many people with bitter feelings and painful memories it is doubtful that the Ottoman leadership was carried away by the simplistic and emotional ideals as Akcamsuggests. As Feroz Ahmad pointed out, the Unionists started out ´┐Żwith the principal aim of guaranteeing the territorial integrity and maintaining sovereignty´┐Ż and showed ´┐Żlittle concern´┐Ż toward such matters as Pan-Turanism, and ´┐Żthere was no question of regaining Macedonia which had already proved to be an unduly expensive adventure´┐Ż. 7

The author also discusses the role and the activity of convicts released in 1914; he refers to sources that, according to him, mention that these prisoners were ´┐Żactually trained in Istanbul for the purpose of carrying out the Armenian genocide´┐Ż (p. 136). On the other hand, he claims it is very likely that the ´┐Żkey decisions concerning the massacre were made within the CUP in Istanbul during March 1915´┐Ż (p. 152, and also p. 156). He provides no explanation, however, as to how the prisoners may be released and trained in 1914 for the purpose of carrying out the genocide when there was no such decision yet (to judge from Akcam´┐Żs own date). This is however, only one of the many contradictions and inconsistencies that the book contains.

Akcam is also quite selective in his use of materials. He alleges for instance, that ´┐Żimmediately after the [Sar─▒kam─▒s] defeat, Enver conveyed his thanks to the Armenian Patriarchate for the sacrifice and heroism of the Armenian soldiers in the war´┐Ż (p. 143) on the basis of such a highly partisan account as that of Pastor Johannes Lepsius alone, and tries to support this point by referring to German Consular reports concerning the self-sacrifice shown by the Armenians (pp. 143´┐Ż144). Yet when discussing a different matter on page 197, we read that the German consuls ´┐Żreported that during the Caucasian campaign, the Armenian soldiers in the Ottoman Army turned their guns on the Turks´┐Ż. It is thus quite unlikely that Enver should have ever made such a statement after a Caucasian campaign in which the Armenian soldiers did indeed turn their guns on the Turks.

The author´┐Żs inadequate understanding of Ottoman history also undermines the validity of his explanations. For instance, he claims there is ´┐Żevidence that the [genocide] decision was made at the end of March, during the critical days of the Gallipoli Campaign´┐Ż (p. 152), but the Gallipoli campaign began on 25 April 1915. Despite the firm insistence on March 1915 as the date of decision for the genocide, the author fails to provide any credible ´┐Żevidence´┐Ż substantiating this thesis. Enver´┐Żs remark that the threat offered by the Armenians can be quelled by removing them ´┐Żfrom the places where they lived and sending them to other places´┐Ż is according to Akcam, the evidence that there was a decision for genocide in March 1915.

Akcam´┐Żs tendentious mode of writing and selective use of sources become even more transparent when considering his use of trial proceedings. The proceedings that are recorded in various newspapers and journals do not always conform, and at times even contradict each other. For instance, the statement and the admission he attributes to Colonel Sahabettin (p. 200), which was supposedly made by S ahabettin at the eighth session of the Yozgat trial, is uncorroborated by two other newspaper versions8 while contradicted by a third,9 all of which also gave the proceedings of the same session. In the absence of original transcripts it is difficult to determine with any accuracy which one of these reflects a truer picture. The more recent research, therefore, casts doubt on Akcam´┐Żs finding as he failed to include the other relevant material.

INTERPRETING ARCHIVAL DOCUMENTS

One may also feel uneasy with Akcam´┐Żs treatment of Ottoman archival documents since whenever the Ottoman documents seem to support his contentions he considers them genuine. On the other hand, when they contradict his views he consistently attempts to dismiss them as part of a conspiracy, even if they are in fact the same documents. The most striking example of this dualistic approach is given when Akcam relies on a ´┐Żgeneral circular from the Ministry of the Interior´┐Ż (p. 204), a document he earlier dismissed as part of a ´┐Żgreat deception´┐Ż (p. 169) in relation to the exclusion of Protestants from the relocation. Similarly, after having initially regarded the former Grand Vizier Said Halim´┐Żs statement about his non-involvement in the process of the Armenians´┐Ż relocation as convincing (p. 156), the author subsequently expresses his doubts over its sincerity (pp. 263´┐Ż265).

Akcam´┐Żs discussion of the estimates regarding the Armenian deaths also stands on shaky ground. He admits that the available ´┐Żestimates are based on a political agenda´┐Ż (p. 183). One would not expect to see that an author who can claim this should rely on a figure given by a government that has distinguished itself with its deep enmity towards the CUP. He upholds the figure of 800,000 killed Armenians given by Interior Minister Cemal Bey, as true. In order to increase its credibility, he also claims this figure was the ´┐Żresult of the commission established´┐Ż by Mustafa Arif Degmer but fails to adduce anything in support of this assertion. The same minister, Cemal Bey, in the same statement also declared that the CUP had annihilated four million Turks10 the very same CUP that according to Akcam was carrying out a policy of Turkification. Is it conceivable to maintain that these claims as well as figures were not based on a political agenda?

The author´┐Żs other claims in support of his numbers are also unconvincing or inaccurate. He relies on an ambiguous statement attributed toMustafa Kemal in a second-hand source whilst ignoring a first-hand account in which Mustafa Kemal had rejected the figures offered by Minister Cemal as a slander (iftira).11

While the book published by the Turkish Army´┐Żs General Staff, Buyuk Harp´┐Żte Turk Harbi [Turkish War in the Great War], was not on the ´┐Żissue of the World War I losses´┐Ż, its publication does not substantiate Akcam´┐Żs claims either; after all, it was a translation of a book published in Paris in 1926 on the history of Ottoman participation in the World War by the French author Maurice Larcher.12

Yusuf Hikmet Bayur has never stated that the figure ´┐Ż800,000´┐Ż should be considered accurate for the Armenian losses; indeed, in discussing the Armenian Question in the preceding part of his study, Bayur described Commandant M. Larcher´┐Żs account of events which used the figure of 500,000 for the Armenian losses as being quite exaggerated. 13

Furthermore, in another work, Bayur has criticized Minister Cemal´┐Żs statement, characterizing it as the ´┐Żugliest indication´┐Ż of the Damat Ferit government´┐Żs endless efforts at appeasing victorious allies.14

The author does not provide adequate discussion on the course of relocations that differed depending on local circumstances as well as the attitude of local officials and the few examples provided by Akcam are all carefully selected. While Akcam acknowledges Cemal Pasha´┐Żs efforts in favor of Armenians he sheds little light on it.

RELYING ON ´┐ŻKEY´┐Ż SOURCES

The key source of Akcam´┐Żs allegations is the findings of 1919´┐Ż1920 court-martials (as well as the indictment of the main trial), which he upholds as true. But the legal procedures of these courts suffered from serious shortcomings and the reliability of their findings was questionable.15

The trials were conducted under the pressure of the victorious Allies and by the post-war Ottoman governments eager to heap any blame on the CUP in order to forestall the dismemberment of the Empire and to receive more lenient treatment from the Allies.16

Commenting on this attitude of the prosecution, the late Tar─▒k Zafer Tunaya has remarked that the prosecutor was blaming the CUP (for everything) by ´┐Żbeginning from the story of Eve and Adam´┐Ż,17 while other scholars have also expressed their skepticism over their findings18´┐Żincluding M. E. Yapp who noted that the ´┐Ż1919 courts martial . . . cannot be taken entirely at face value because they were conducted by a government which was anxious to pin any blame on the CUP leaders´┐Ż.19

According to Akcam´┐Żs sources the CUP leader Cemal Pasha ´┐Żhad indeed tried . . . to ease the situation for the Armenian deportees´┐Ż (p. 186) and yet was actually sentenced to death by these courts. Falih R─▒fk─▒ Atay, seemingly a valuable source for Akcam, relates how Atay had to bribe the members of these courts with an amount less than 500 Lira in order to save himself from execution, and how the decision for his execution was made even before he was tried.20

Refik Halid Karay, a staunch opponent of both the Unionists and the nationalist movement in Ankara, and one who had a meeting with the judge and the members of the court over Atay´┐Żs case, confirms that the decision to execute Atay was already arranged even before a trial.21

Akcamcannot bring himself to admit the injustices committed by these courts; he does not even discuss the changes introduced by the Damat Ferit government, which even banned the defendants from hiring a lawyer22´┐Ża process that constitutes the most basic right of a defendant in any system. Likewise he mentions the ´┐Żirregularities involving Nusret´┐Żs death sentence´┐Ż (p. 354) but does not elaborate on these irregularities. The author does not refrain from relying on questionable sources either. For instance, the alleged 1926 interview of Mustafa Kemal, on which he relies (pp. 345´┐Ż346), was proven to be false years ago.23

A LITANY OF ERRORS

For an author claiming to have mastered the subject, Akcam makes too many factual errors which diminish the text´┐Żs reliability as a point of reference:

The Ottoman Empire was not considered the ´┐ŻSick Man of Europe´┐Ż since the 1830s; the term was coined by the Russian Tsar in 1844 (p. 27).

Sasun was not a Cilician village; it was in Bitlis province (p. 41).

Yusuf Kemal Tengirsenk was not the second foreign minister of the Turkish Republic but the second foreign minister of the Ankara Government before the Republic was proclaimed (p. 46).

The last name of the Russian foreign minister was not Sazanov but Sazonov (pp. 98´┐Ż99, 213 and index).

Kurt Ziemke was not a historian but a diplomat (p. 118).

Huseyin Cahit Yalc─▒n was not the editor of Tanin during the war; he left Tanin in January 1914 (p. 143).

Alma Johansson was not a Swiss nurse but Swedish (p. 150).

Pozanti is not some 30´┐Ż40 km from Adana but about 70 km (p. 158).

Kayseri, Nigde and Eskisehir were not provinces but sanjaks (subdivisions of provinces) (p. 177).

Interior Minister Cemal Bey´┐Żs statement was not made on 18 March 1919; it first appeared in an interview with Cemal Bey in Le Moniteur Oriental on 13 March 1919 (p. 183).

The book published by the Turkish Army´┐Żs General Staff was not on the issue ofWorldWar I losses (p. 183).

Hovhannes Kachaznuni was not the first president of Armenia but the first prime minister (p. 198).

The governor of Van was not Cevdet Pasa but Cevdet Bey (p. 201).

The surname of the former Van deputy was not Avras but Arvas (pp. 201, 326 and index).

The general circular from the Ministry of the Interior was not sent to all Ottoman provinces (p. 204).

The Greeks did not invade I zmir on 16 May 1919 but on 15 May 1919 (pp. 279, 294).

Friedrich Freiherr Kress von Kressenstein was not a general but a colonel (p. 325).

Mustafa Kemal´┐Żs statement was not made in a closed session of the parliament but in an open session (pp. 346, 348).

Nusret Bey was not the prefect (kaymakam) of Urfa but the subgovernor (mutasarr─▒f) (p. 351).

The above mistakes are not just aberrations but typify the whole book.

LOST IN TRANSLATION

The translation errors represent another problem. The word ´┐Żekseriyet´┐Ż, for instance, does not mean minority but majority. Therefore, the last part of the quote presented on page 97 should not read ´┐Ż[a]reas . . . in which non-Turkish races and nations formed a minority´┐Ż but should be ´┐Ż[a]reas . . . in which non-Turkish races and nations formed a majority´┐Ż.24

Basbakanl─▒k does not mean Presidential but the Office of the Prime Minister (p. 417, n. 65).

The translation problems are not confined to just minor ones; the book gives fundamentally different versions of events than its original Turkish. For instance, when discussing the role of Colonel Seyfi, the original Turkish version of the book provides the following information:

Following the armistice, on 13 December 1918, the daily Sabah declared that as the officer responsible for the political department in Ottoman Military Headquarters in close coordination with Bahaettin Sakir, and in collaboration with the Special Organization, Colonel Seyfi was one of those who had planned the massacre of Armenians.25

As might be seen, according to the Turkish version of the book, it is the Sabah newspaper that is making the assertion in question. However, in the present English book, this event is suspiciously rendered as a confession by Colonel Seyfi rather than a declaration by Sabah while no date is given for relevant issue of the daily Sabah:

After the 1918 armistice, the colonel [Seyfi] explained in the daily Sabah that, as the officer responsible for the political department in Ottoman military headquarters in collaboration with the Special Organization and in close coordination with Unionist Bahaettin Sakir, he had been among those who had devised the plan for the murder of the Armenians. (p. 125)

One cannot know whether this is an intentional manipulation or an innocent (but inexcusable) translation error, or even who is to be blamed for it: the translator or Taner Akcam who had revised the English text. At any rate, Akcam bears the responsibility for having allowed such errors to enter the text, the existence of which further undermines the reliability of his book.

Typographical errors and inconsistencies in spelling of names further mar the book. In addition, the reader whose knowledge of the existing literature is derived from this book is likely to think that Edward J. Erickson´┐Żs painstaking study ´┐ŻThe Defeat in Detail: The Ottoman Army in the Balkans 1912´┐Ż1913´┐Ż was released in 1972 (p. 392, n. 114) instead of 2003, or the seventh volume of the Genocide and Holocaust Studies journal was published in 1998 (p. 406, n. 78) instead of 1993.

SOURCES DISTORTED

Even if one is to ignore the subjectivist attitude of the author, there are more serious problems with Akcam´┐Żs work. In preparing his book, Akcam appears to have altered and distorted the contents of the sources he has utilized.26 Some examples discussed below may reiterate this point.

On the Figures Given by Esref Kuscubasi and Celal Bayar

In discussing the deportation of Christians in Western Anatolia, Taner Akcam´┐Żby referring to the autobiographical account of Esref Kuscubasi (a prominent agent of the OSO)´┐Żwrites that: ´┐ŻKuscubasi Esref claims that during the first months of the war alone the number of ´┐ŻGreek-Armenians . . . deported totaled 1,350,000´┐Ż´┐Ż (p. 106). In the original source, however, the number given by Kuscubasi is 1,150,000 and not 1,350,000 as incorrectly given by Akcam. Moreover, Esref Kuscubasi does not say they were ´┐Żdeported´┐Ż but taken to the interior:

. . . [I]t was plainly visible that if the Greek-Armenian population in the Aegean region, concentrated especially in the coastal areas amounting to 1,150,000, had not been taken to the interior a short time before the outbreak of the war and during the first months of the war, then even the defense in Canakkale [Gallipoli] would not have been possible.27

In his note the author further claims that ´┐ŻCelal Bayar, who draws extensively from Kuscubasi´┐Żsmemoirs gives separate figures for specific cities. The total number of these is the same as the figure above [i.e. 1,350,000]´┐Ż (p. 403, n. 150). Yet the total of these is not 1,350,000 as the reader is told but 760,000, which is in fact close to one half of the figure above.28

It should be further noted that, in the case of the latter figure, Kuscubasi does not speak of any relocation but rather gives the figures for the population concentration in specific regions.

On the Memoirs of A. Mil (Arif Cemil (Denker))

In a section of his book dealing with the Armenian Revolutionary Federation Congress in Erzurum, Taner Akcam falsely puts forward claims that have no basis in the original account. He writes that:

In one document we read: ´┐ŻThe necessary preparations have been made for those individuals . . . who have left Erzurum . . . Instructions for those things that are essential for our organization´┐Żs freedom of action should be given.´┐Ż The author of this document confirmed that Bahaettin Sakir had wanted ´┐Żthose people [mentioned in the telegram] apprehended on the way and liquidated´┐Ż (p. 137).

However in the original account, Arif Cemil (Denker) quotes a letter from Hilmi Bey, the CUP inspector for Erzurum, in which Hilmi Bey states that:

. . . The necessary preparations have been made for those individuals on whose departures from Erzurum you have informed [us] with a cipher. I have made delivery to the persons required to get them [i.e. the individuals who departed from Erzurum] regardless of anything . . . I hope to inform you on this matter in about two days. The command post should give the necessary instructions for our organization´┐Żs freedom of action to the persons required.29

After quoting this Arif Cemil (Denker) makes some comments on Hilmi Bey´┐Żs letter by stating that:

Two points in Hilmi Bey´┐Żs letter deserve attention. One of them is the apprehension, more precisely the liquidation of the persons on their way, whose departures from Erzurum have been notified by Bahaettin Sakir.30

The original account, as might be seen, makes no mention of Bahaettin Sakir´┐Żs alleged demand for the liquidation of the persons in question and the only role attributed to Bahaettin Sakir Bey is his notifying of the mentioned individuals´┐Ż departures. It is difficult to understand how Akcam, based on the above source, concluded that ´┐Żthe author of this document confirmed that Bahaettin Sakir had wanted those people [mentioned in the telegram] . . . liquidated´┐Ż. Of minor importance is Akcam´┐Żs misidentification of ´┐Żthe author of this document´┐Ż, since its author was Hilmi Bey while the one making the so-called confirmation on which Akcam relied was Arif Cemil.

More on the Memoirs of Arif Cemil (Denker)

In attempting to describe the alleged genocide decision, which was supposedly made during March 1915, Taner Akcam again deliberately distorts his evidence in order to back up his contentions:

. . . In addition to the question of the army command, fundamental changes in the Special Organization´┐Żs activities were also under discussion. ´┐ŻThe Armenians´┐Ż anti-Turkish attitude and the help they gave the Russian army convinced [Bahaettin Sakir] that dealing with the enemy within was as necessary as the enemy without.´┐Ż Having assembled evidence of Armenian gang activity in the region, Sakir now tried to persuade his friends in Istanbul that it was time to get rid of this threat. It is very likely that the key decisions concerning the massacre were made within the CUP in Istanbul during March 1915. ´┐ŻIn these discussions a decision was made that Bahaettin Sakir Bey would resign from his duties pertaining to the country´┐Żs foreign enemies and concentrate solely on its internal enemies.´┐Ż Sakir was put in charge of dealing with ´┐Żthe Armenians inside . . . These discussions concluded with the formulation of the Deportation Law. When Bahaettin Sakir Bey returned to the Caucasian front a short time later the new arrangements had been completely determined´┐Ż. (pp. 151´┐Ż152)

As his source for the sentences and phrases given within quotation marks in the above quote, Akcam again cites the memoirs of Arif Cemil (Denker), who served with the OSO during the War. However, this episode described by Akcam appears fundamentally different in the original source´┐Żwhich reads as follows:

In Istanbul now, Dr. Bahaettin Sakir Bey has decided to concentrate on the country´┐Żs internal enemies by abandoning the Special Organization´┐Żs affairs related to foreign enemies.

This was because Dr. Bahaettin Sakir Bey has witnessed many facts during the period of four-five months he has spent in Erzurum and at different points of the Caucasian front. The attitude the Armenians have taken against Turkey and the assistance they provided to the Russian army have convinced him [Bahaettin Sakir] that it was necessary to fear the internal enemies as much as the external ones. The Armenians inside through formation of bands were threatening the rear of our army and were trying to cut our lines of retreat.31

[. . .] In Istanbul Dr. Bahaettin Sakir Bey was busy with discussing the precautions to be taken to save the army from a grave danger by placing these [documents] to the attention of the CUP´┐Żs Central Committee. These discussions finally resulted in the formulation of Relocation Law. When Dr. Bahaettin Sakir Bey returned to the Caucasian front after a while, the new situation had completely come into existence. But again we will pass on without touching these matters. Because the issue of the Armenians´┐Ż relocation was completely out of the O.S.O.´┐Żs scope.32 [Emphasis added]

There are several problems about the way in which the author has made use of the passage given in the original account:

1. The phrase signifying that it was necessary to ´┐Żfear internal enemies´┐Ż is altered into a different one that reads ´┐Żdealing with the enemy within´┐Ż by Akcam.

2. Akcam quotes the source as saying ´┐Żin these discussions a decision was made that Bahaettin Sakir Bey would resign from his duties . . .´┐Ż, whereas in the original source it is Bahaettin Sakir himself deciding to focus on internal enemies and there is no mention of a discussion where the alleged decision for Bahaettin Sakir´┐Żs focusing on the internal enemies was taken. Thus the phrase that reads ´┐Żin these discussions a decision was made that Bahaettin Sakir Bey would resign from his duties . . .´┐Ż has no basis in the original source and was evidently doctored in an effort to give the impression of an official policy targeting the Armenians.

3. Similarly the statement that Bahaettin Sakir Bey was put in charge of dealing with ´┐Żthe Armenians inside´┐Ż has no basis in the original source and the text is completely quoted out of context. The only reference to the ´┐ŻArmenians inside´┐Ż is made in connection with their formation of bands and the threat they posed to the army. And there is simply no entry suggesting that Dr. Bahaettin Sakir Bey was put in charge of (or instructed for) anything.

4. Although Akcam quotes the source as saying ´┐Żnew arrangements were completely determined´┐Ż, the original account contains nothing regarding ´┐Żnew arrangements´┐Ż; rather, it states that a new situation had emerged. This manipulation, too, gives the impression of a policy targeting Armenians for which ´┐Żnew arrangements´┐Ż were determined even though such is not the case in the original source. Moreover, it is of the utmost significance that in Akcam´┐Żs version a revealing section of the very document on which his case rests is missing. At the end was Arif Cemil´┐Żs statement that ´┐Żthe issue of the Armenians´┐Ż relocation was completely out of the O.S.O.´┐Żs scope´┐Ż. On Esref Kuscubasi´┐Żs Statement

In discussing the implementation of the relocation and the massacres the author contends that many members of the government were unaware of the genocidal policy that was secretly carried out by the party under the veil of a deportation decree. Like Dadrian,33 Akcam refers to the interviews made with Esref Kuscubasi to support this point:

As Esref Kuscubasi put it, the government was never informed of the meetings and plans related to the deportations and massacres. (pp. 156´┐Ż157)

In the original account, after briefly talking about the activities of the OSO, Esref Kuscubasi does indeed state that, ´┐ŻAs these [activities] were seriously kept ´┐Żsecret´┐Ż, they were even unknown to the members of the cabinet´┐Ż. However, there are several problems with Akcam´┐Żs utilization and interpretation of the autobiographical account of Esref Kuscubasi.

First of all, in the original account there is no mention of any meeting regarding the Armenian relocation or massacres nor is there any mention of the Armenians.

Second, and more importantly, following the above sentence Kuscubasi relates that Talat Pasha too was among those cabinet members who were not informed of the activities of the OSO and had even complained about this matter: As these [activities] were seriously kept ´┐Żsecret´┐Ż, they were even unknown to the members of the cabinet. In fact, I remember very well that one day Talat Pasha in a half serious and half joking manner had asked me: ´┐ŻEsref Beyefendi, is there any news about the government´┐Żs organization that you could share with us?´┐Ż And he quietly whispered this in my ears lest others not hear. What were these activities that were regarded as so secret even to cause a person [Talat] who was then, the Minister of the Interior and considered as the natural leader of the political party in power, to make it a matter of complaint in such a manner?34

In view of this information, Akcam´┐Żs utilization and interpretation of Kuscubasi´┐Żs statement and his efforts to establish a link between it and the massacres becomes highly problematic. Indeed if one is to accept Akcam´┐Żs false paraphrasing, then Akcam´┐Żs whole theory of ´┐Ża genocidal policy under the supervision of Talat´┐Ż collapses since Talat Pasha, the person whom he credits with being the overall coordinator of massacres and deportations is actually not informed on something that he allegedly supervises. It is clear that the author Akcam deliberately ignores the context and misleads his readers. The intention of such a manipulation is to lead readers into what is after all, a pre-arranged conclusion, at the expense of historic truth.

On Ahmet Refik

In discussing the participation of gangs in perpetrating the massacres Taner Akcam writes that:

Ahmet Refik testified that the perpetrators of the massacres at Pozanti, some thirty to forty kilometers from Adana, were ´┐Żreorganized by gangs sent to the Caucasus´┐Ż. (p. 158)

To begin with, it should be noted that Ahmet Refik did not testify, but wrote a book. More importantly, in the book Ahmet Refik did not use the word massacre; rather, there is a single sentence referring to the assaults carried out by gangs without indicating whether they resulted in massacres or not:

The [place] which the Armenians were most particularly afraid of was Pozanti. There [in Pozanti], the attack of gangs was making their hearts tremble [in fear]. Which gangs were these? These were the gangs sent to the Caucasus in the name of Turanian policy [and] the union of Islam by the Unionist government.35

It seems that the author feels no discomfort in substituting such words as ´┐Żattack´┐Ż and ´┐Żmassacre´┐Ż and allowing his readers to make incorrect assumptions.

On Huseyin and Abidin Nesimi

According to Akcam, in some cases the government officials who resisted obeying orders of annihilation were killed, and a kaymakam´┐Żs son had confirmed this point: In several cases uncooperative officials were actually murdered. Huseyin Nesimi, the prefect of Lice, refused to obey the verbal order and asked for a written copy. He was fired, called to Diyarbakir, and murdered on the way. Abidin Nesimi, the prefect´┐Żs son, wrote that the liquidation of government officials was ordered by Mehmet Resit, the governor of Diyarbakir, among others. The murdered include ´┐ŻFerit, the governor-general of Basra, Bedri Nuri, the lieutenant-governor of Muntefak, . . . Sabit, the deputy prefect of Besiri, Ismail Mestan a journalist.´┐Ż The reason for thesemurders was clear: ´┐ŻThe administrative cadre that opposed the massacre had to be liquidated . . .´┐Ż. (pp. 166´┐Ż167)

Unfortunately it is not Abidin Nesimi but Taner Akcam who wrote that the government officials in question were liquidated on the orders of Mehmet Resit. What Abidin Nesimi had said36 was that during Resit´┐Żs governorship some murders with unknown perpetrators had taken place:

. . . When Dr. Resit was in Iraq and later during his governorship of Diyarbakir, many murders with unknown perpetrators took place. Most important among them, were those of Ferit, the governor of Basra, Bedri Nuri, the sub-governor of Muntefak, my father Huseyin Nesimi, the prefect of Lice, and Sabit, the deputy prefect of Besiri and the journalist Ismail Mestan . . . It was impossible to carry out the relocation of Armenians with the gendarme units composed of Circassians and the members of the tribes of Bedirhani, Milli, KarakeCili who were the Kurdish militia. For this group was a cadre of pillage and plunder. Therefore, this group could not carry out the relocation and turned it into a massacre. [And] the liquidation of the [administrative] cadre which would oppose the pillage and plunder was inevitable.37

As regards to the complicity of Mehmet Resit38 in relation to the murder of his father, Abidin Nesimi wrote the following:

Did Dr. Resit give any orders for the murder of my father? Or did this event occur without his knowledge? We can find the answers of these questions in Resit´┐Żs memoirs. . .. In these [memoirs], Dr. Resit writes that he was extremely respectful towards my father and that my father had possessed the quality of rendering great services to the nation and that it was impossible for him to give orders for the murder of my father. Quite naturally I cannot be expected to have sympathies for Dr. Resit as my father was killed by a mobile gendarme regiment that was recalled by this name. I have made researches on Dr. Resit. I have inquired about Dr. Resit fromhis friends who had been in exile in Tripoli where he was also in exile and from other persons especially from the governor of Tripoli, Giritli Celal Bey. Both the deceased Cami Baykurt and Celal Bey had given testimony in his favor. I am of the opinion that Dr. Resit was a well-intentioned, yet narrow-minded person.39

There are two significant problems with the way in which this account has been utilized:

1. Akcam has altered the sentence that reads ´┐Żthe liquidation of the [administrative] cadre which would oppose the ´┐Żpillage and plunder´┐Ż was inevitable´┐Ż into a different sentence that states ´┐Żthe administrative cadre that opposed the ´┐Żmassacre´┐Ż had to be liquidated . . .´┐Ż, which is yet another example demonstrating how freely the author is altering words and replacing them with his own insertions. As was the case in the Ahmet Refik instance, the author substituted the words ´┐Żpillage and plunder´┐Ż with his own word ´┐Żmassacre´┐Ż.

2. Abidin Nesimi nowhere writes that the liquidation of the mentioned individuals and his father was done on the orders of Mehmet Resit. To the contrary, Abidin Nesimi points to a source giving the answer to this question and the source in question indicates something entirely contrary to Akcam´┐Żs allegation. Once again, Akcam has attributed a false opinion to a source that does not support his claims.

The Alleged Dual Mechanism

Akcam also makes some comments on the character of Talat Pasha, the Ottoman Interior Minister (pp. 169´┐Ż170), which are intended to establish his argument that Talat´┐Żs telegrams ordering the protection of Armenians were merely written for silencing foreign ambassadors and that these orders were subsequently cancelled by a coded cable, a process he termed as a dual mechanism.40 While Akcam attempts to explain those telegrams shown to the foreign ambassadors in the light of this argument, he is unable to explain numerous confidential and ciphered telegrams not intended for public consumption, which contain similar instructions. And in order to explain away such inconveniences the author´┐Żs theory is constructed upon selective use of sources and the manipulation of his sources.

According to Akcam, Falih R─▒fk─▒ Atay said that ´┐Żsending an order only to cancel it shortly afterward by coded cable was business as usual for Talat´┐Ż (p. 170). In this case the author displays another example of his going beyond the source he refers to, and adding interpretations that are not contained in the original source. The original account of this episode, related by Atay, while not suggesting in any way that this is a ´┐Żbusiness as usual for Talat´┐Ż, makes no reference either to an ´┐Żorder´┐Ż sent earlier: One day, he [Talat] again called out for me from the office. There was an applicant [man] next to him. He said: ´┐ŻWrite a letter to the Mutasarr─▒f [sub-governor] of Izmit and recommend them to definitely do the work of this Gentleman´┐Ż. I wrote and brought [the letter].He signed it. The (poor)man took the letter and left by giving his thanks. A little later, they had told me that the minister [Talat] wanted to see me. I went [to see him]. He said: ´┐Żwrite a ciphered telegram to the Mutasarr─▒f of Izmit and inform him that the letter I sent has no importance´┐Ż.41 This is not quite the sort of evidence to substantiate such bold claims and the readers might want to see more convincing evidence in order to accept the high-profile claims Akcam has advanced about Talat with respect to the relocation of Armenians. In his enthusiasm to prove his theory of dual mechanism, Akcam further claims that: On 18 September 1915 cables sent from Kayseri, Eskisehir, Nigde, Diyarbak─▒r, report that all the Armenians had been deported from these provinces and that none remained. (p. 177)

However, this is not at all the case in the documents to which Akcam refers. The telegram sent from Eskisehir states that ´┐Żthe number of Armenians who were required to be dispatched amounted to 7000´┐Ż and that all (7000) of these Armenians were dispatched,42 which does not mean that no Armenians remained and that all were deported from Eskisehir.43 In the case of Kayseri, the telegram mentions the presence of 4911 Armenians consisting of the soldiers´┐Ż families and, to a lesser extent, of Catholics and Protestants who were left within the sanjak of Kayseri.44 It is again difficult to understand how any scrupulous author can claim that no Armenians were left in the mentioned places.

In conclusion, Akcam misrepresents his sources and the documents that he relies on do not substantiate his thesis. Thus the author´┐Żs case on the alleged dual mechanism remains poorly documented and unconvincing.

Akcam also creates misleading impressions on the reader by juxtaposing disparate events. For instance, he quotes from a report that mentions an official named Huseyin Kaz─▒m Bey who is said to be a good person trying to help and feed the Armenians but faces difficulties from authorities and he fears the extermination of Armenians. Immediately after quoting this document, Akcam writes: ´┐ŻHuseyin Kaz─▒m . . . later wrote in his memoirs that 200,000 people were sacrificed to the evil designs of Government, in Lebanon alone´┐Ż (p. 186). Yet Huseyin Kaz─▒m´┐Żs statement had nothing to do with Ottoman Armenians. Still less it had anything to do with a central government policy. Huseyin Kaz─▒m uses the statement above in describing the corruption of the provincial authorities that was rampant during the war: There was a disgrace of silk corruption that no one can describe properly. The bales of silks each of which amounted to 600 Lira (gold) in Germany and Switzerland, has been bought at 300 Lira from their owners by [exerting] all kinds of threats pressures swearwords and insults . . . To benefit from the misery of the people, to be full through the hunger of the poor, and to find life through their death has become a custom in the country. And those who first broke this ground had been the high officials of the Government. Then, it was seen that thousands of innocent men, women and children died everywhere in the most terrible manner. In the unfortunate Lebanon alone, the number of those poor who fell victim to the evil designs of the government reaches to 150´┐Ż200 thousand.45

By combining two totally unrelated events out of sequence, Akcamchanges the meaning of the original account, and misleads his readers. It is also important to note that the number ´┐Ż150´┐Ż200 thousand´┐Ż in Huseyin Kaz─▒m´┐Żs account has become simply ´┐Ż200,000´┐Ż in Akcam´┐Żs text.

CONCLUSION

The examples displayed in this study cast doubt on Taner Akcam´┐Żs approach as being impartial and scholarly. To the contrary, such manipulations point to an extremely partisan attitude, dominated by preconceived ideas that in turn have led the author to manipulate the sources he has utilized in service of his pre-arranged conclusions. Akcam´┐Żs work suffers from a lack of honesty with which he has evidently approached his subject, and the implications of his intentional manipulations shed considerable light on the credibility that could be attached to his work. As Akcam himself stated elsewhere, ´┐Żsuspicion within the academic community as to whether or not sources have been honestly and accurately presented is something that can poison the entire scientific milieu´┐Ż.46 Within this framework, Taner Akcam´┐Żs dishonesty´┐Żwhich manifests itself in the form of numerous deliberate alterations and distortions misleading quotations and doctoring of data´┐Żcasts doubt on the accuracy of his claims as well as his conclusions. Accordingly, serious readers and researchers alike should approach Akcam´┐Żs work and claims with a great caution. This tainted volume can neither be considered ´┐Żthe state of the art in this field´┐Ż, as Erik Jan Zu rcher has written, nor the ´┐Żbest book ever written on Armenian Genocide´┐Ż, as Stephen Feinstein claims but as an example of poor editing, badly supported conclusions and, most importantly, of unethical and partisan scholarship that calls for further, more balanced and thorough research.

NOTES

1. Taner Akcam,Insan Haklar─▒ ve Ermeni Sorunu, Ittihat ve Terakki´┐Żden Kurtulus Savas─▒´┐Żna [Human Rights and the Armenian Question, from the [Committe of] Union and Progress to Liberation War], Ankara: Imge Kitabevi, 1999.

2. Edward J. Erickson, ´┐ŻRe-examining History: Armenian Massacres: New Records Undercut Old Blame´┐Ż, Middle East Quarterly, Vol. 13, No. 3, Summer 2006, pp. 67´┐Ż75; and Guenter Lewy, The Armenian Massacres in Ottoman Turkey: A Disputed Genocide, Salt Lake City, UT: The University of Utah Press 2005, pp. 82´┐Ż88.

3. Cemal Kutay, Birinci Dunya Harbinde Teskilat-─▒ Mahsusa Ve Hayber´┐Żde Turk Cengi [The [Ottoman] Special Organization in the WWI and the Turkish Battle in Khayber], Istanbul: Tarih Yay─▒nlar─▒, 1962, pp. 17´┐Ż18.

4. Nedim Ipek, Rumeli´┐Żden Anadolu´┐Żya Turk Gocleri (1877´┐Ż1890) [The Turkish Migrations from Balkans to Anatolia (1877´┐Ż1890)], Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu, 1994, p. 207.

5. Mustafa Aksakal, ´┐ŻDefending the Nation, The German-Ottoman Alliance of 1914 and the Ottoman Decision for War´┐Ż, Unpublished PhD thesis Princeton University, NJ, 2003, p. 150. 6. Ibid, p. 139.

7. Feroz Ahmad, ´┐ŻReview of Germany and The Ottoman Empire 1914´┐Ż1918, by Ulrich Trumpener´┐Ż, Middle Eastern Studies Vol. 6, No. 1, 1970, pp. 104´┐Ż105. Also see Michael A. Reynolds ´┐ŻThe Ottoman´┐ŻRussian Struggle for Eastern Anatolia and the Caucasus 1908´┐Ż1918: Identity, Ideology and the Geopolitics of World Order´┐Ż, Unpublished PhD thesis Princeton University, NJ, 2003.

8. Nejdet Bilgi, Yozgat Ermeni Tehciri Davas─▒ [The Trial for the Yozgat Armenian Relocation], Istanbul: Kitabevi Yay─▒nlar─▒, 2006, pp. 205´┐Ż208, ´┐ŻVakit Versiyonu´┐Ż [´┐ŻThe Daily Vakit Version´┐Ż] and pp. 208´┐Ż211, ´┐ŻYeni Gazete Versiyonu´┐Ż [´┐ŻThe Daily Yeni Gazete Version´┐Ż].

9. Ibid, pp. 202´┐Ż205, ´┐ŻMemleket Versiyonu´┐Ż [´┐ŻThe Daily Memleket Version´┐Ż].

10. Sina Aksin, Istanbul Hukumetleri ve Milli Mucadele [The Istanbul Governments and the National Struggle], Vol. 1, Istanbul: Is Bankas─▒ Yay─▒nlar─▒, 2004, p. 204; and Ferudun Ata, IsgalIstanbul´┐Żunda Tehcir Yarg─▒lamalar─▒ [The Relocation Trials in Occupied Istanbul], Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu, 2005, pp. 141´┐Ż142.

11. Irade-i Milliye, 2 October 1919, quoted in Hulki Cevizoglu,Isgal ve Direnis 1919 ve Bugun [The Occupation and Resistance, 1919 and Today], Istanbul: Ceviz Kabugu Yay─▒nlar─▒, 2007, p. 25.

12. Maurice Larcher, La Guerre Turque dans la Guerre Mondiale [Turkish War in the Great War], Paris: Etienne Chiron; Berger-Levrault, 1926, p. 602: ´┐ŻL´┐Żanatolie avait en outre perdu 500,000 mussulmans des vilayets orientaux, victimes ou fugitifs de la guerre; 800,000 Armeniens et 200,000 Grecs victimes de deportations ou de´┐Żce´┐Żde´┐Żs dans les battalions de travailleurs´┐Ż [´┐ŻAnatolia had also lost 500,000 Muslims from the eastern provinces as victims or fugitives of the war; 800,00 Armenians and 200,000 Greeks as victims of the deportations or those who died in the labor battalions´┐Ż].

13. Yusuf Hikmet Bayur, TurkInk─▒la b─▒ Tarihi [The History of the Turkish Revolution], Vol. 3, Part 3, Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu, 1983, pp. 8´┐Ż9.

14. Yusuf Hikmet Bayur, Ataturk Hayat─▒ ve Eseri [AtaTurk, His Life and Work], Vol. 1, Ankara: AKDTYK Ataturk Arast─▒rma Merkezi, 1990, p. 182.

15. Lewy, The Armenian Massacres in Ottoman Turkey, op. cit., pp. 73´┐Ż82; Ata, Isgal Istanbul´┐Żunda Tehcir Yarg─▒lamalar─▒ [The Relocation Trials in Occupied Istanbul], op. cit.; Falih R─▒fk─▒ Atay, Cankaya: Ataturk´┐Żun Dogumundan Olumune Kadar [Cankaya, From Ataturk´┐Żs Birth Till His Death], Istanbul: Bates, 1998, pp. 218´┐Ż230.

16. Husamettin ErTurk,Iki Devrin Perde Arkas─▒ [Behind the Curtain of Two Eras],Istanbul: Hilmi Kitapevi, 1957, pp. 370´┐Ż373.

17. Tar─▒k Zafer Tunaya, Turkiye´┐Żde Siyasi Partiler [Political Parties in Turkey], Vol. 3, Istanbul: Iletisim Yay─▒nlar─▒, 2000, p. 674.

18. Andrew Mango, ´┐ŻMinorities and Majorities´┐Ż, Middle Eastern Studies Vol. 23, No. 4, 1987, p. 519. 19. M. E. Yapp, ´┐ŻReview of The History of the Armenian Genocide, by V.N. Dadrian´┐Ż, Middle Eastern Studies Vol. 32, No. 4, 1996, p. 397.

20. Atay, Cankaya [Cankaya], op. cit., pp. 219, 223´┐Ż224.

21. Refik Halid Karay, Minelbab Ilelmihrab [From Gate to Mihrab], Istanbul: Ink─▒lap-Aka Kitabevleri, 1964, pp. 195´┐Ż196.

22. Ata, Isgal Istanbul´┐Żunda Tehcir Yarg─▒lamalar─▒ [The Relocation Trials in Occupied Istanbul], op. cit., pp. 258´┐Ż259; Bayram Akca, ´┐Ż1915 Ermeni Tehciri ve Urfa Mutasarr─▒f─▒ Nusret Bey´┐Żin I dam─▒´┐Ż [´┐ŻThe 1915 Armenian Relocation and the Execution of Nusret Bey, the Sub-Governor of Urfa´┐Ż], Ermeni Arast─▒rmalar─▒ 1. Turkiye Kongresi Bildirileri [Papers of the 1st Turkey Congress of Armenian Studies], Vol. 2, Ankara: ASAM, 2003, p. 28; and Bayram AkCa, ´┐ŻMondros Mu tarekesi´┐Żnden Sonra Ermeni Tehciri Nedeniyle Kurulan Divan-─▒ Harp Mahkemelerinde (Nemrut) Mustafa Pasa´┐Żn─▒n Rolu´┐Ż [´┐ŻThe Role of (Nemrut) Mustafa Pasha in the Court-martials Set Up for the Armenian Relocation After the Armistice of Mudros)´┐Ż], Ermeni Arast─▒rmalar─▒ 2. Turkiye Kongresi Bildirileri [Papers of the 2nd Turkey Congress of Armenian Studies], Vol. 1, Ankara: ASAM, 2007, p. 608.

23. Turkkaya Ataov, Another Falsification: Statement (1926) Wrongly Attributed to Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Ankara: Sistem Ofset, 1988. For Mustafa Kemal´┐Żs views on the Armenian Question, see Ismet Gorgulu , Ataturk´┐Żten Ermeni Sorunu [The Armenian Question from Ataturk], Ankara: Bilgi, 2002.

24. Kutay, Birinci Dunya Harbinde Teskilat-─▒ Mahsusa [The [Ottoman] Special Organization in the WWI], op. cit., p. 18: ´┐ŻTurklerden gayr─▒ ─▒rk ve milletlerin ekseriyeti teskil ettikleri yerlerde . . .´┐Ż.

25. Akcam, Insan Haklar─▒ ve Ermeni Sorunu [Human Rights and the Armenian Question], op. cit., p. 213: ´┐ŻMu tareke sonras─▒, Sabah gazetesi 13 Aral─▒k 1918´┐Żde Albay Seyfi´┐Żnin, Osmanl─▒ Karargah─▒ndaki Siyasi S ube´┐Żnin sorumlusu olarak, Bahaettin Sakir ile yak─▒n isbirligi iCinde, Teskilat-─▒ Mahsusa eliyle Ermenilerin katledilmesini planlayanlardan oldugunu ac─▒klad─▒´┐Ż.

26. Since the book under review is the English translation of another book, one might wonder whether it is the translator who is to be blamed for the manipulations and the discrepancies with original sources. However, the readers should be aware that the inaccuracies presented in this study are also present in the original Turkish version of Taner Akcam´┐Żs study.

27. Kutay, Birinci Dunya Harbinde Teskilat-─▒ Mahsusa [The [Ottoman] Special Organization in the WWI], op. cit., p. 60: ´┐Ż. . . Ege m─▒nt─▒kas─▒nda ve bilhassa sahillerde yuvalanm─▒s ve kumelenmis olan 1.150.000 Rum-Ermeni nu fus daha harbin baslamas─▒ndan k─▒sa zaman evvel ve harbin ilk aylar─▒nda iCeri al─▒nmam─▒s olsa idi, C anakkale mu dafaas─▒n─▒n bile mumkun olam─▒yacag─▒ gun gibi asikar idi´┐Ż.

28. The population figures given by Esref Kuscubasi are as follows: ´┐Ż120,000 in the region of Ayvalik gulf; 90,000 in the C anakkale region (including the town itself); 190,000 in the capital of Izmir; 130,000 in the region from Urla peninsula and southeast Izmir to C esme; 80,000 in the environs of Ayd─▒n; 150,000 in the environs of Akhisar, and Manisa, Alasehir, Usak and its environs´┐Ż. Apart from this Kuscubasialso gives figures for the Aegean islands of Mtylene, Chios and Samos. However the Ottoman Empire had lost these islands in 1912´┐Ż1913, therefore any Ottomancontrolled population movement on these islands would be out of question. See Celal Bayar, Ben de Yazd─▒m: Milli Mucadeleye Giris [I Too Have Written: Joining the National Struggle], Vol. 5, Istanbul: Baha Matbaas─▒, 1967, p. 1576.

29. A. Mil, ´┐ŻUmumi Harpte Teskilat─▒ Mahsusa´┐Ż [´┐ŻThe [Ottoman] Special Organization in the Great War´┐Ż], Vakit, No. 13, November 15, 1933, p. 5: ´┐ŻErzurumdan C─▒kt─▒klar─▒n─▒ sifre ile bildirdiginiz eshas iCin tertibat─▒ laz─▒me al─▒nm─▒st─▒r. HerCibadabat onlar─▒ elde edebilmek iCin icap edenlere teslimat verdim . . . Bu husus hakk─▒nda bir iki gune kadar haber verecegimi umit ediyorum. Kumandanl─▒k teskilat─▒m─▒z─▒n serbestii harekat─▒ hakk─▒nda icap edenlere talimat─▒ laz─▒me vermelidir´┐Ż. Arif Cemil, Birinci Dunya Savas─▒nda Teskilat-─▒ Mahsusa [The [Ottoman] Special Organization in WWI], Istanbul: Arba Yay─▒nlar─▒, 1997, pp. 45´┐Ż46. A. Mil is the pseudonym for Arif Cemil (Denker). His memoirs were first published pseudonymously in the Daily Vakit in 1933´┐Ż1934. In 1997 these memoirs were republished by Arba Yay─▒nlar─▒ in the form of a book under the real name of its author, Arif Cemil (Denker). For readers´┐Ż convenience, both items are cited in this review.

30. Ibid, No. 14, November 16, 1933, p. 5: ´┐ŻHilmi Bey´┐Żin mektubunda iki noktai nazar─▒ dikkati celbeder. Bunlardan birisi Erzurumdan hareketleri Bahaettin Sakir Bey taraf─▒ndan bildirilen baz─▒ eshas─▒n yolda yakalanmalar─▒, daha dogrusu imha edilmeleri . . .´┐Ż Arif Cemil, Teskilat-─▒ Mahsusa [The [Ottoman] Special Organization], op. cit., p. 46.

31. Ibid, No. 98, February 10, 1934, p. 5: ´┐ŻDoktor Bahattin Sakir bey Istanbul´┐Żda art─▒k teskilat─▒ mahsusan─▒n harici du smanlara taalluk eden islerinden sarf─▒nazar ederek memleketin dahili dusmanlar─▒yla mesgul olm─▒ya karar vermisti. C unku Doktor Bahaettin Sakir bey Erzurumda ve Kafkas cephesinin diger noktalar─▒nda gecirdigi dort bes ay zarf─▒nda pek Cok hakikatlere sahit olmustu. Ermenilerin Turkiye´┐Żye kars─▒ tak─▒nd─▒klar─▒ tav─▒r ve Rus ordusuna ettikleri yard─▒m kendisinde harici dusman kadar dahili dusmandan da korkmak laz─▒m geldig i kanaat─▒n─▒ has─▒l etmisti. Dahildeki Ermeniler cete teskiliyle ordumuzun arkas─▒n─▒ tehdit ve hatt─▒ ric´┐Żat─▒n─▒ kesmeye Cal─▒s─▒yorlard─▒´┐Ż. Arif Cemil, Teskilat-─▒ Mahsusa [The [Ottoman] Special Organization], op. cit., p. 240.

32. Ibid, No. 100, February 12, 1934, p. 5: ´┐Ż. . . Doktor Bahaettin Sakir bey bunlar─▒ Istanbul´┐Żda Ittihat ve terakki merkezi umumisinin dikkati nazar─▒na koyarak orduyu Buyukbir tehlikeden kurtarmak iCin al─▒nacak tedbirleri muzakere ile mesgul bulunuyordu. Bu mu zakereler nihayet tehcir kanunun nesri ile neticelenmisti. Doktor Bahaettin Sakir bey bir muddet sonra Kafkas cephesine avdet ettigi zaman yeni vaziyet tamamiyle taayyun etmis bulunuyordu. Fakat gene bu noktalara temas edemeden geCeceg iz. C unku Ermenilerin tehciri meselesi teskilat─▒ mahsusa mevzuunun busbu tun haricinde kalmaktad─▒r´┐Ż. Arif Cemil, Teskilat-─▒ Mahsusa [The [Ottoman] Special Organization], op. cit., pp. 245´┐Ż246.

33. Vahakn N. Dadrian, ´┐ŻOttoman Archives and Denial of the Armenian Genocide´┐Ż, in The Armenian Genocide: History, Politics Ethics ed. Richard Hovannisian, London: MacMillan, 1992, pp. 300´┐Ż301.

34. Kutay, Birinci Dunya Harbinde Teskilat-─▒ Mahsusa [The [Ottoman] Special Organization in the WWI], op. cit., p. 18: ´┐ŻBunlar gercekten gizli.. tutuldugu icin kabine azas─▒n─▒n bile mechulu idiler. Hatta cok iyi hat─▒rlar─▒m. Bir gun Talat Pasa, yar─▒ saka yar─▒ ciddi: ´┐Ż´┐ŻEsref Beyefendi . . . Sizin hukumet teskilat─▒ndan bize anlatabileceginiz haberler yok mu?´┐Ż demisti. Bunu da, digerlerinin duymamas─▒ icin yavasca kulag─▒ma soylemisti. O tarihte Dahiliye Naz─▒r─▒ ve iktidarda olan siyasi F─▒rka´┐Żn─▒n tabii reisi say─▒lan bir zat─▒n dahi, boylecesine sitem mevzuu yapacak kadar mahrem addedilen Cal─▒smalar─▒ nelerdi?´┐Ż

35. Ahmet Refik, Iki Komite Iki K─▒tal [Two Committees Two Massacres], Ankara: KebikeC Yay─▒nlar─▒, 1994, pp. 38´┐Ż39: ´┐ŻErmenilerin en ziyade korktuklar─▒ Pozant─▒ idi. Orada, Cetelerin hucumu kalblerini titretiyordu. Bunlar hangi Cetelerdi? Ittihat hukumetinin Turan siyaseti, Islam ittihad─▒ nam─▒na Kafkasya´┐Żya gonderdigi Cetelerdi´┐Ż.

36. In his memoirs Abidin Nesimi also discusses the Armenian question´┐Żand his overall opinion is that the central committee of CUP wanted an orderly relocation of Armenians and did not want to harm the innocent Armenians but the Kurdish militia forces seized this moment as an opportunity for plunder and massacre, and the CUP partly overlooked this situation but also attempted to punish the guilty. Given the sharp difference of this interpretation to the narrative of Akcam, the omission of these details also leaves the reader with quite an unbalanced opinion as regards the murder of the officials mentioned as well as Abidin Nesimi´┐Żs opinion on this issue. See Abidin Nesimi, Y─▒llar─▒n Icinden [During the Years], Istanbul: Gozlem, 1977, pp. 41´┐Ż45.

37. Ibid, pp. 39´┐Ż40: ´┐ŻDr. Resit Irakta bulundugu donemde ve daha sonra Diyarbak─▒r valilig i s─▒ras─▒nda faili bulunamayan birCok cinayetler olmustur. Bunlar─▒n iCinde en onemlileri Basra Valisi Ferit´┐Żin, Mu ntefek mutasarr─▒f─▒ Bedi Nuri´┐Żnin, Lice kaymakam─▒ babam Hu seyin Nesimi´┐Żnin, Besiri kaymakam vekili Sabit´┐Żin, gazeteci Ismail Mestan´┐Ż─▒n vb. olduru lmeleridir . . . Bu cerkez jandarma ekibi ve milis Kurtler olan Bedirhani, Milli ve Karakecili asiretleri mensuplar─▒yla Ermeni tehcirinin gerceklestirilmesi imkans─▒zd─▒. Cunku bu kadro yagma ve talan kadrosudur. Bu yuzden bu kadro tehciri yapamam─▒s ve onu katliama donusturmustu r. Yagma ve talan─▒ gerceklestirmeye muhalefet edecek kadronun da tasfiyesi kac─▒n─▒lmazd─▒´┐Ż.

38. This article primarily aims to focus on the manner in which Akcam has utilized his sources. Therefore the role and the responsibility of Dr. Resit is beyond the scope of this study. On this matter, see Mithad Sukru Bleda, Imparatorlugun Cokusu [The Fall of the [Ottoman] Empire], Istanbul: Remzi Kitabevi, 1979, pp. 56´┐Ż59.

39. Abidin Nesimi, Y─▒llar─▒n Icinden [During the Years], op. cit., pp. 45´┐Ż46: ´┐ŻBabam─▒n oldurulmesi olay─▒nda Dr. Resit´┐Żin bir emri var m─▒d─▒r? Yoksa bu olay onun bilgisi d─▒s─▒nda m─▒ olmustur? Bu sorular─▒n cevab─▒n─▒ Dr. Resit´┐Żin ´┐ŻMudafaaname´┐Ż sinden ogrenebiliriz . . . Bu ´┐ŻMudafaaname´┐Ż sinde Dr. Resit, babama kars─▒ son derece hurmetkar oldugunu, vucudunun millete Buyukfaydalar b─▒rakacag ─▒ nitelikte oldugunu, onun oldurulmesine emir vermesinin imkans─▒z oldugunu yazm─▒st─▒r. Pek dogald─▒r ki, babam─▒n bu adla an─▒lan seyyar jandarma mu frezesince olduruldugu icin Dr. Resit´┐Że kars─▒ sempatim olamaz. Dr. Resit uzerine arast─▒rmalar yapt─▒m. Dr. Resit´┐Żi surgun bulundugu Trablusgarb´┐Żdaki surgun arkadas ´┐Żlar─▒ndan ve diger kisilerden, o zellikle Trablusgarb valisi Giritli Celal Bey den sorusturdum. Rahmetli Cami Baykurt da, Celal Bey de onun lehinde sahadette bulunmuslard─▒r. Dr. Resit´┐Żin iyi niyetli fakat dar goru slu birisi oldugu kan─▒s─▒nday─▒m´┐Ż.

40. Guenter Lewy also characterizes the evidence presented by Taner Akcamfor his allegation of dual mechanism as ´┐Żslim´┐Ż; see Lewy, The Armenian Massacres in Ottoman Turkey, op. cit., p. 112.

41. Falih R─▒fk─▒ Atay, Zeytindag─▒ [The Olive Mountain], Istanbul: Bates, 1981, pp. 24´┐Ż25: ´┐ŻBir gun yine kalemden Cag─▒rtm─▒st─▒. Yan─▒nda bir mu racaatC─▒ vard─▒: ´┐ŻIzmit mutasarr─▒f─▒na bir mektup yaz─▒n─▒z, Beyfendinin isini mutlaka yapmas─▒n─▒ tavsiye ediniz´┐Ż, demisti. Yaz─▒p goturdum. Imzalad─▒, adamcag─▒z mektubu ald─▒ ve tesekku r ederek gitti. Biraz sonra naz─▒r─▒n yine beni istedigini soylediler. Gittim: ´┐ŻIzmit mutasarr─▒f─▒na bir sifre yaz. Gonderdig im mektubun bir ehemmiyeti yoktur, diye bildir, dedi´┐Ż.

42. Osmanl─▒ Belgelerinde Ermeniler (1915´┐Ż1920) [Armenians in Ottoman Documents 1915´┐Ż1920], Ankara: Devlet Arsivleri Genel Mudurlugu , 1995, p. 96, Document 111: ´┐ŻLiva dahilindeki Ermenilerden ihrac─▒ ─▒´┐Żcab edenler yedi bin raddesinde olup kaffesinin sevk edilmis oldugu arz olunur´┐Ż.

43. The official Ottoman statistics cite the Armenian population of Eskisehir as 8807, while according to the figures adopted by the British it was 10,000; for the comparative figures see Meir Zamir, ´┐ŻPopulation statistics of the Ottoman empire in 1914 and 1919´┐Ż, Middle Eastern Studies Vol. 17, No. 1, 1981, pp. 100, 104.

44. Osmanl─▒ Belgelerinde Ermeniler (1915´┐Ż1920) [Armenians in Ottoman Documents 1915´┐Ż1920], op. cit., p. 94, Document 109: ´┐Ż. . . dahil-i livada kalan do rt bin dokuz yu z on bir neferi asker a´┐Żilesi ve cu z´┐Ż─▒´┐Ż mikdar─▒ Protestan ve Katolik bakayas─▒ olmakla dahi yuzde bes nisbetinde koylere tevz─▒´┐Ż´┐Ż k─▒l─▒nmakta oldugu ma´┐Żruzdur´┐Ż.

45. Hu seyin Kaz─▒m Kadri, Turkiye´┐Żnin C oku su [The Fall of Turkey], Istanbul: Hikmet 1992, pp. 204´┐Ż205: ´┐ŻBir ipek yolsuzlugu rezaleti vard─▒ ki bunu hakk─▒yla tasvire kimse muvaffak olamaz. Almanya´┐Żda ve Isvicre´┐Żde alt─▒n para ile 600 yu z lira tutan her bir balya ipek sahiplerinin elinden bin bir tu rlu tehditler, tazyikler, ku fu r ve hakaretler ile 300 kag─▒da al─▒nd─▒ . . . Halk─▒n sefaletinden yararlanmak, fukaran─▒n aCl─▒g─▒yla doymak, o lumu yle hayat bulmak, memlekette al─▒skanl─▒k halini ald─▒. Ve bu C─▒g ─▒r─▒ aCan hukumetin Buyukmemurlar─▒ oldu. O zaman her tarafta binlerce gu nahs─▒z adamlar─▒n, kad─▒nlar─▒n ve Cocuklar─▒n en feci halde du sup oldu kleri goruldu . Yaln─▒z su bedbaht Lubnan´┐Żda hukumetin suikast─▒na kurban giden zavall─▒lar─▒n say─▒s─▒ 150´┐Ż200 bine C─▒kar´┐Ż.

46. Taner Akcam, ´┐ŻAnatomy of a Crime: The Turkish Historical Society´┐Żs Manipulation of Archival Documents´┐Ż, Journal of Genocide Research, Vol. 7, No. 2, 2005, p. 273.

...

For more information click here / Daha fazla bilgi icin suraya bakiniz: Ethocide (or its companion term coined for Turkish: AHLAKKIRIM )

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OSMANLI?NIN ISLEMEDIGI SUCU NEDEN ISLENMIS GIBI KABUL EDELIM? 28/09/08 15:09
SOMETHING FOR SOMETHING; NOTHING FOR NOTHING 24/09/08 11:00
HUMAN TRAGEDY FOR ALL; NOT ARMENIAN GENOCIDE 10/09/08 15:07
COMMUNICATIONS WITH ARMENIAN DIASPORA: PART I 05/09/08 14:37
PLEASE, TEACH THE CHILDREN WELL! 28/08/08 13:40
ARMENIANS MAKE A DEATH THREAT TO A SITTING U.S. CONGRESSMAN FOR NOT SUPPORTING ARMENIAN CLAIMS 20/08/08 18:57
ARMENIA MUST STOP ITS MILITARY AGGRESSION AND SMEAR CAMPAIGNS PRIOR TO ANY ATTEMPTS AT RECONCILIATION WITH ITS NEIGHBORS 04/08/08 15:33
ONE PICTURE IS WORTH A THOUSAND WORDS: ARMED ARMENIAN THUGS ATTACKING A MOSQUE IN 1895 18/06/08 07:03
RECENTLY UNEARTHED RUSSIAN ARCHIVES REFUTE ARMENIAN ?GENOCIDE? CLAIMS 17/06/08 14:06
ERMENILER GUNESI BALCIKLA SIVAYAMIYORLAR: ISTE BIR RUS BELGESI DAHA! 16/06/08 09:15
TURKEY AND AZERBAIJAN?S POSITIVE ROLE IN THE CAUCASUS 12/06/08 08:56
PHOTOS OF THE TURKISH VICTIMS OF ARMENIAN BARBARITY (1914-1920) 12/06/08 16:01
REPLY OF TURKISH SCHOLARS TO THE ELIE WIESEL FOUNDATION LETTER 10/06/08 13:24
INACCURACIES CONTAINED IN THE BOSTON GLOBE ARTICLE ON AKCAM 04/06/08 16:02
TURKISH NATIONAL SENTENCED TO DEATH IN SAUDI ARABIA 30/05/08 09:52
ISTANBUL ! 29/05/08 07:32
COMMEMORATING MAY 19 AS ATATURK, YOUTH AND SPORTS DAY IN TURKEY 26/05/08 12:22
TURKISH COALITION OF AMERICA DONATES TWO AMBULANCES TO MEXICAN RED CROSS 20/05/08 15:55
U.S. CONGRESS URGES THE ADMINISTRATION: PROMOTE ENERGY SUPPLY DIVERSITY & SECURITY 19/05/08 07:24
SANTA BARBARA: BIRTH PLACE OF CONTEMPORARY ARMENIAN TERRORISM 13/05/08 09:11
AMERICAN TEACHERS WILL VISIT TURKEY 12/05/08 08:24
It is Official: TANER AKCAM IS PAID BY ARMENIANS 08/05/08 21:46
PROTESTING THE CONTINUING OCCUPATION OF SHUSHA, AZERBAIJAN 02/05/08 07:13
CONVICTED TERRORIST MAKING ROUNDS: NEXT STOP, A UNIVERSITY CAMPUS 01/05/08 13:39
U.S. Congressman Meets Convicted Terrorist 26/04/08 00:08
NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY AND CHILDREN'S DAY IN TURKEY 25/04/08 14:18
CALL TO CIVIC DUTY: SAY NO TO RACIST RESOLUTIONS SJR-24 & SJR-26! 04/04/08 10:58
NO to SJR-24 & SJR-26 ! 03/04/08 12:09
TURKISH AMERICAN COMMUNITY RESPONDS TO PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES 24/02/08 17:56
MCCAIN REFUSES TO PLEDGE RECOGNITION OF 'ARMENIAN GENOCIDE' 06/02/08 14:41
??TE T▄RK?YE?NIN LAHEY PLANI 04/02/08 18:39
HILLARY SHOULD HAVE KNOWN BETTER 29/01/08 13:39
OBAMA ERRED 29/01/08 17:37
LET HISTORIANS DECIDE ON SO-CALLED GENOCIDE (by Prof. Justin McCarthy) 29/01/08 16:28
?THE FIRST SHOT? (by Prof. Justin McCarthy) 28/01/08 12:33
28/01/08 07:51
ARMENIAN GREED HITS U.S. LAW: GENOCIDE CLAIMS DISMISSED 02/01/08 18:12
NUMBERS DON?T LIE; LIARS DO! 04/11/07 19:38
GENOCIDE ? LAW AND DOUBLE STANDARDS 24/10/07 12:13
A SHORT STORY 23/10/07 11:37
PKK KURDISH TERRORISM: "SEHITLER OLMEZ, VATAN BOLUNMEZ!" 23/10/07 15:24
LA CITY COUNCIL POLITICS AT ITS WORST 19/10/07 11:38
WARTIME TARGEDY FOR ALL OTTOMANS OR A GENOCIDE FOR JUST THE OTTOMAN-ARMENIANS? 18/10/07 11:36
HOW DO YOU REASON WITH A LYNCH MOB? 15/10/07 10:29
WRITE YOUR CONGRESSMAN TODAY: NO TO H.R. 106 06/10/07 16:11
Turkish State Archives Are Open: Scholars From 80 Countries Have Already Conducted Studies There Since 2003 22/05/07 12:51
THE ARMENIAN LOBBY THREATENS THE LOS ANGELES TIMES 12/05/07 20:21
INACCURACIES CONTAINED IN THE HOUSE RESOLUTION 106 19/03/07 17:22
NO TO HOUSE RESOLUTION 106 11/02/07 19:13
TURKEY’S COMPASSIONATE REACTION TO HRANT DINK’S MURDER SHATTERS MYTHS ABOUT TURKS 24/01/07 00:06
Hrant Dink's Assassination - Hrant Dink Suikasti 19/01/07 11:26
STANFORD J. SHAW, PREEMINENT HISTORIAN, HONEST RESEARCHER, AND OMNIPOTENT SCHOLAR (1930-2006) 28/12/06 13:46
STANFORD JAY SHAW: TARIHCILER YETISTIREN TARIHCI, DURUST ARASTIRMACI VE BUYUK BILIM ADAMI (1930 - 2006) 27/12/06 15:19
“CENSORADOS” ARE LEARNING THE LAW 18/10/06 16:50
ERECTING A HATE MONUMENT IN LAS VEGAS IS HIGHLY IMPROPER 27/09/06 14:35
ARMENIAN SCHOLAR AT EASE WITH CENSORSHIP 12/05/06 18:12
PRESENTING ONLY ONE SIDE OF AáCONTROVERSIAL ISSUE WHILEáCENSORING THE OTHER SIDE IS UNSCHOLARLY, UNFAIR, UNETHICAL, AND UNCIVILIZED 09/05/06 14:17
MISREPRESENTATION ON THE "ALLEGED" GENOCIDE CONTINUES UNABATED 30/04/06 08:25
PARTISAN COVERAGE OF THE TURKISH-ARMENIAN CONFLICT AT KOCE-TV 19/04/06 15:33
SETTLING HISTORY THE ARMENIAN WAY: BY HARASSMENT, CENSORSHIP, AND LEGISLATION 14/04/06 11:29
BIASED COVERAGE OF "THE LAWSUIT" 07/02/06 15:35
ONE MIND AT A TIME : HOW THE TRUTH CHANGES ATTITUDES IN AMERICA 07/02/06 15:23
TURKS ARE THE PLAINTIFF, NOT THE DEFENDANT, IN THE ALLEGED ARMENIAN GENOCIDE (AAG) CASE 20/11/05 00:37
A NEW TURKISH MUSEUM IN WASHINGTON D.C. FEATURING 10,000+ YEARS OF ANATOLIAN CIVILIZATIONS ? 17/10/05 16:21
A FUTURE WEAPON IN ARMENIAN ARSENAL : A MUSEUM OF DECEPTION 07/10/05 11:33
THE ARMENIANS ARE OPENING A MUSEUM TO HONOR THE ?BOGUS? GENOCIDE 29/09/05 13:53
THE A.F.A.T.H. PRESSURE ON THE SIMON WIESENTHAL CENTER 10/09/05 19:09
DISTORTION OF TURKISH HISTORY AT A CYBER-MUSEUM FEATURING THE SHOAH 06/09/05 00:30
MISREPRESENTATION OF TURKISH HISTORY AT THE HOLOCAUST MUSEUM OF WASHINGTON D.C. 30/08/05 15:54
BIASED TREATMENT OF TURKISH-ARMENIAN HISTORY AT THE HOLOCAUST MUSEUM OF HOUSTON 20/08/05 23:44
INTOLERANCE AT THE MUSEUM OF TOLERANCE IN LOS ANGELES 07/08/05 01:45
THREE HISTORICAL PERSONALITIES ; THREE INCREDIBLE DECEPTIONS 24/06/05 15:31
ARMENIA: PUT UP OR SHUT UP! (Part III) 18/06/05 16:41
ARMENIA: PUT UP OR SHUT UP! (Part II) 18/06/05 09:51
ARMENIA: PUT UP OR SHUT UP! 12/06/05 21:55
??ARMENIAN SEPARATISTS WERE PLANNING ALLEGATIONS OF GENOCIDE EVEN IN THE 1890S?? 05/06/05 08:19
CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS SURROUNDING THE AAG AND 100 BOOKS REVIEWED FOR THE BENEFIT OF THE TRUTH-SEEKERS 29/05/05 23:32
CONNECTING THE DOTS ON THE ?ALLEGED" ARMENIAN GENOCIDE 20/05/05 19:17
ARMENIA AND CHRISTIANITY : THE HOLY MESS (Epilogue) 16/05/05 21:17
ARMENIA AND CHRISTIANITY : THE HOLY MESS (Part III) 14/05/05 21:06
ARMENIA AND CHRISTIANITY : THE HOLY MESS (Part II) 09/05/05 18:32
ARMENIA AND CHRISTIANITY : THE HOLY MESS (Part I) 08/05/05 20:59
TOLERANCE OF THE TURKS TO ALL RELIGIONS THROUGHOUT HISTORY 08/05/05 00:06
THE PSYCHOLOGY OF "ARMENIAN HATE " 05/05/05 14:36
TURKISH LAST NAMES : HONEST STORY TELLERS 02/05/05 17:55
THE FORGOTTEN CALAM?TY THAT BEFELL TURKS 30/04/05 00:33
ARMENIAN TERRORISM: THEN AND NOW - Part IV 21/04/05 17:07
ARMENIAN TERRORISM: THEN AND NOW - Part III 19/04/05 15:59
ARMENIAN TERRORISM: THEN AND NOW - Part II 18/04/05 13:41
ARMENIAN TERRORISM: THEN AND NOW 17/04/05 08:28
RACISM OVERTLY PRACTICED BY THE ARMENIAN REVOLUTIONARIES 13/04/05 12:40
GENOCIDES AROUND THE WORLD 11/04/05 11:47
THE SUPREME TREASON BY THE OTTOMAN-ARMENIANS DURING WWI 10/04/05 21:24
THE A.F.A.T.H. PROPAGANDA DURING W.W.I. 07/04/05 17:30
FOUR MASTERS OF DISINFORMATION DURING WWI: TOYNBEE (1916), MORGENTHAU (1918), LEPSIUS (1918), ANDONIAN (1920) 05/04/05 15:07
GERMAN SOURCES THAT REFUTE THE AAG 26/03/05 13:35
ATROCITIES AND POGROMS PERPETRATED BY THE ARMENIANS IN THE CAUCASUS 22/03/05 14:24
ATROCITIES AND POGROMS COMMITTED BY THE ARMENIAN NATIONALISTS IN ANATOLIA 20/03/05 21:23
OTTOMAN & TURKISH SOURCES THAT REFUTE THE AAG 15/03/05 14:53
ISRAELI & JEWISH SOURCES THAT REFUTE THE AAG 12/03/05 17:36
SWEDISH SOURCES THAT REFUTE THE AAG 04/03/05 19:05
RUSSIAN SOURCES THAT REFUTE THE AAG 02/03/05 11:43
FRENCH SOURCES THAT REFUTE THE AAG 27/02/05 00:16
BRITISH SOURCES REFUTING THE AAG 25/02/05 18:58
ARMENIAN SOURCES REFUTING THE AAG 21/02/05 18:13
AMERICAN SOURCES THAT REFUTE THE AAG 20/02/05 08:38
ARMENIAN HISTORIAN SAYS THE HITLER QUOTE IS A HOAX 18/02/05 18:35
THE INFAMOUS HITLER QUOTE : A FORGERY 16/02/05 09:25
SWORN STATEMENT BY EDWARD TASHJI 12/02/05 17:56
SWORN STATEMENT BY ALBERT J. AMATEAU 11/02/05 22:22
THE MALTA TRIBUNAL : CASE CLOSED DUE TO LACK OF EVIDENCE 05/02/05 12:49
PUBLIC DECLARATION BY 19 TURKISH ASSOCIATIONS 01/02/05 19:18
THE MANIFESTO OF HOVHANNES KATCHAZNOUNI,
30/01/05 10:55
IMPORTANT DOCUMENTS THAT REFUTE THE AAG: #3 BOGHOS NUBAR?S LETTER TO THE TIMES OF LONDON DOCUMENTING SUPREME ARMENIAN TREASON

24/01/05 19:30
IMPORTANT DOCUMENTS THAT REFUTE THE AAG: #2 DECLARATION, SIGNED BY 125 TURKISH ACADEMICIANS

22/01/05 08:59
IMPORTANT DOCUMENTS THAT REFUTE THE AAG: #1 DECLARATION, SIGNED BY 69 PROMINENT AMERICAN ACADEMICIANS

17/01/05 21:07
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ON THE TURKISH-ARMENIAN ISSUE, "A to Z" 05/01/05 21:32
SOYKIRIM DEGIL, ?AHLAKKIRIM? ! 24/12/04 18:54
THE ?SIX APOLOGIES? TURKS HAVE BEEN WAITING FOR SINCE WW1

20/11/04 18:56
ETHOCIDE, NOT GENOCIDE! 23/10/04 23:47
BIAS IS ALIVE AND WELL AT LOS ANGELES TIMES, THANK YOU!

10/10/04 17:46
BIR SPOR SOHBETI 21/09/04 23:46
THE OTHER SIDE OF THE STORY CANNOT BE SILENCED 25/07/04 09:46
Kanada Parlamentosu?nu Bilgilendirme ve Protesto 07/07/04 06:57
ALLEGATIONS OF AN "ARMENIAN GENOCIDE" IS POLITICAL PROPAGANDA, NOT HISTORICAL TRUTH 04/07/04 20:18
DARE WE CALL IT BIASED?

27/06/04 07:43
Teach The Children Well ! 30/05/04 19:43
Peace-Lovers Everywhere 25/05/04 23:57
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